August 09, 2013

Telangana river waters, irrigation & agriculture-3 (Water rights)

Defining water rights

A precise definition of the term "water rights" is not easy.

The publication titled "Modern water rights- theory and practice" prepared by Stephen Hodgson for Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), a United Nations (UN or UNO) agency, looks at the theory and practice behind the emerging concept of "modern water rights". While much of the work relates to this concept, the publication is also useful in understanding "traditional" water rights in the two currently dominant legal traditions (civil law & common law).

The publication also provides a definition of the term "water rights" as generally understand. Hodgson states (pages 13-14) "Indeed the term "water right" is actually used in different contexts and different jurisdictions to mean quite different things". He explains this is so because each country has its own unique needs and argues "What is normal and reasonable in one country as regards both the use and regulation of water may appear quite strange or even irrational elsewhere". He argues separately (page 17) that the terms "water rights" and "right to water" are broadly unrelated.

Hodgson starts with a simple definition: "So just what is a water right? In its simplest conception a water right is frequently understood to be a legal right to abstract and use a quantity of water from a natural source such as a river, stream or aquifer".

Hodgson goes on to mention other factors including the flow of water and "non-consumptive" rights. He thus arrives at a complex but more inclusive definition:

"Thus, depending on the specific legal rules in force in a given jurisdiction a water right may be necessary:

·         to divert, restrict or alter the flow of water within a water course;
·         to alter the bed, banks or characteristics of a water course, including the construction (and use) of structures on its banks and adjacent lands
·         including those related to the use and management of water within that water course;
·         to extract gravel and other minerals from water courses and the lands adjacent to them;
·         to use sewage water for irrigation;
·         to undertake fishing and aquaculture activities;
·         for navigation; and/or
·         to discharge wastes or pollutants to water courses"

An overview of legal systems

Because water rights depend to a great extent on the applicable legal system, a brief study of legal systems is in order.

The sources of law are generally categorized as:

·         Natural law (or natural justice) based on inherent natural aspects (and therefore universal)
·         Religious law (sometimes called "canon law") derived from religious text, rulings & practices
·         Customary law based on traditions & customs
·         Constitutional law (statute law) as codified in the respective constitutions and systems derived from the constitution

There are several overlaps or contradictions. Customs and religious practice often influence each other. Several statutes in the civil law tradition codify traditional practices.

It needs to be emphasized here that most national legal systems include elements from one or more sources. The above classification is therefore important but not adequate for the purpose of this study.

While every nation has its own set of laws, these can be broadly categorized into one of the below legal traditions:

·         Civil law
·         Common law (sometimes called the English common law)

Both these traditions originated in Europe (ancient Greece & the Roman empire) and gained adherence as nations developed. Common law is believed to have emerged in England & Wales between the end of the Roman rule and the Norman conquest. This explains the widespread use of Latin terminology in common law.

Common law is prevalent in England & Wales as well as most of the former English colonies. North of Hadrian's Wall, Scotland developed a separate indigenously developed common law. A small group of nations (e.g. South Africa) follow a hybrid of civil law and common law traditions. Most other countries follow the civil law tradition.

It needs to be noted that the legal systems adopted by individual nations vary quite a bit. All civil law countries for instance do not necessarily follow the same law. An interesting example is Germany, a leading civil law nation and Israel that follows English common law use the jus sangunis principle of nationality determination as distinct from the jus soli principle followed by the rest of the world.

The difference between the two traditions is quite deep. A full examination of these differences is not necessary to the current study. It is sufficient to acknowledge that civil law is subject to a great degree of codification while common law is driven primarily by stare decisis (precedent). In other words, the difference between the two traditions is about law making, not laws.

It has been argued that the two traditions are converging in today's changing world. Common law jurisdictions do have extensively codified statutes. Civil law regimes have of late started recognizing precedent. While this argument has a good deal of merit, the differences persist at the time of writing.

For the purpose of this study, I decided to examine water rights in important religious laws and both the major legal traditions.

Hindu water law

The collection titled "The Evolution of the Law and Politics of Water" edited by Joseph W. Dellapenna & Joyeeta Gupta includes a chapter (# 10) on "India: Evolution of Water Law & Policy" written by Phillippe Cullet & Joyeeta Gupta. This chapter is made available by the International Environmental Law Research Center (IELRC).

Cullet & Gupta write (page 3):

"The Laws of Manu (ca 200–100 BCE), within this tradition, provide indications of the water law of the time. Water was considered indivisible. Those who could were obligated to develop water works for the benefit of others (chapter IV, §§226, 229). Kings should protect public waters and collect fees for crossing waters (chapter VIII, §§61, 69; chapter IX, §§264–266, 281). Diversion or obstruction of waters was discouraged (chapter III, §151) and the laws imposed a system of social reprimands and punishments for those who polluted the water or who stole or diverted (chapter IV, §§46, 48, 56; chapter XI, §174; chapter VIII, §309; chapter IX, §281). Destruction of embankments was illegal. The law encouraged the use of water bodies as boundaries between villages to ensure that as many villages as possible had access to water (chapter VII, §§4–7). Water bodies of enemies, however, could be destroyed in times of war (chapter IX, §28). A water controller was in charge of water administration".

The authors go on to discuss Kautilya's Arthashastra on page 4. They state "Arthashastra discusses the use of water for the development of water works, irrigation, and transport, specifying that all water belonged to the king and that users were to pay a water tax to withdraw water from irrigation systems installed by the king (Kautilya ca 300 BCE–300 CE: 73–74)".

According to Cullet & Gupta, there were limited provision for private ownership of tanks & embankments. While these rights were somewhat akin to property rights (for instance the "owners" could sell these), the "ownership" was limited to use & maintenance. Rights lapsed if tanks were not used for five years.

With respect to irrigation Cullet & Gupta write "The Arthashastra stated that in irrigating one’s own field, no harm is to be caused to others. It prohibited the release of water from dams without a legitimate reason, the obstruction of the legitimate use of water by others, the obstruction or diversion of the watercourse, and the building of water works on the land belonging to someone else. Where damage was caused to another party as a result of overflowing waters, compensation was owed to the other party. The Arthashastra provides a list of damage types and the corresponding compensation or penalty due".

It may be worth noting that Manu is a law giver while the Arthashastra is a guide to statecraft. As such it is more appropriate to defer to Manu's prescription. However this is not serious in the present context as there are no apparent contradictions between the two scholars on water rights.

Hindu water law may be briefly summarized as below:

·         Water is considered to be indivisible
·         Water is to be used for the benefit of the general public
·         Water is owned by the state (or king)
·         Limited water rights to private individuals subject to continuous beneficial use
·         Water users should cause no harm to other users
·         Compensation or penalties for damages caused to others

Jewish water law

Halakha (Jewish law) does not provide much material on water rights. None of the 613 mitzvahs (commandments) directly relate to water rights. This may be because the law is primarily addressed towards individuals.

The Book of Genesis is the first section of the Hebrew Bible, covering the creation of the world. Genesis 2.6 can be translated as "streams came up from the earth and watered the whole surface of the ground". Ecclesiastes, a book of writings presented as the autobiography of an unknown teacher named Koheleth, is another section of the Hebrew Bible. The book is considered alternatively as an embodiment of wisdom or a way of life. Ecclesiastes 1:7 can be translated as "All streams flow into the sea, yet the sea is never full. To the place the streams come from, there they return again". These verses are often interpreted to determine the ancient Hebrews had a good knowledge of the water cycle.

Dr. Daniel Eisenberg, a Talmudic scholar specializing in Jewish medical ethics, wrote an article called "Rationing Health Care" for the Jewish Law Commentary. The article relates in part to the subject of water shortages. This section can be used to understand the stance of Judaism on water rights.

Dr. Eisenberg cites the Talmud (Nedarim 81a) that describes a scenario in which two cities share a water supply that originates with the city at the top of a hill. He writes "Talmud rules that the upstream community takes precedence if there is only enough water to provide drinking water to one community, because the water "belongs" to the upstream community".

He goes on to raise a much more difficult question:

"But what if the upstream community wants to use the water to bathe and wash clothes, and the result will be a shortage of drinking water for the downstream community? In this case, the Talmud has a disagreement. While the majority opinion forbids the first city to hoard water for bathing and washing clothes if the second city will lack drinking water, there is an opinion of Rabbi Yossi that permits the upstream city to keep the water at the expense of the downstream community.

What possible rationale could there be for depriving a city of drinking water so that others may wash clothes? The opinion makes sense when we understand that Rabbi Yossi accepts the opinion of a physician-Rabbi in the Talmud who felt that abstaining from bathing and washing clothes could result in the development of life-threatening illnesses. Therefore, according to this opinion, one may put the second city's welfare in present danger in order to save the first city from a grave future danger".

Dr. Eisenberg argues Rabbi Yossi's view is based on the fundamental Jewish principle of not unnecessarily endangering oneself on behalf of another. Returning to his main subject, he however cautions that healthcare rationing is a much more complex matter than the hypothetical situation answered by Rabbi Yossi.

On balance, it may not appropriate to treat Rabbi Yossi's view as representative of Jewish water law. Firstly the argument is based on an individual perspective. More importantly, his is clearly a minority view. The unambiguous portion of Nedarim 81a may therefore be considered to represent Jewish water law acceptable to all scholars.

It may be argued that Dr. Eisenberg is not a water rights scholar and his reference to water is incidental to the article on healthcare rationing. While this may be correct, the article was considered on the basis of the Talmudic reference without any undue weightage to the author's medical ethics. As there does not appear to be any other Jewish material contradicting the above, this can be considered as reflecting Jewish tradition on water rights.

Jewish water law may thus be briefly summarized as below:

·         Water "belongs" to the originating (i.e. upper riparian) user subject to "a hierarchy of benefits"
·         Water is to be used for the benefit of the general public
·         Water may be shared on "equally beneficial use" basis
·         Water users should not cause significant harm to others

The last point is not directly mentioned but can be inferred based on the fact that the majority of the scholars forbid the upper riparian community from hoarding water. It is reasonable to interpret the restriction as relating to significant harm rather than "any harm".

Islamic water law

Water law in Islam does not appear to be derived directly from the Qur'an. None of the 114 suras directly cover water rights.

Most Islamic jurists accept hadith and sunnah as being supplementary to the Qur'an. Hadith, narratives about Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him) including his quotations as cited by early Muslims, are in particular treated as essential to understanding the Qur'an and/or Islamic jurisprudence. While there are thousands of hadith in circulation, scholars such as Bukhari & Muslim classified various hadith based on their authenticity. The highest classification is referred to as sahih i.e. authentic. A sahih hadith is one that meets five stringent conditions including trustworthiness of the narrator (or everyone in the chain of narrators) and non-contradiction with another already established hadith.

There is only one sahih hadith directly relating to water rights. As this is classified as authentic by the reputed scholar Bukhari, this may be treated as a crucial element of Islamic water law.

Hadith 3:548 (sahih al-Bukhari) is reproduced below:

"Narrated 'Abdullah bin Az-Zubair:

An Ansari man quarreled with Az-Zubair in the presence of the Prophet about the Harra Canals which were used for irrigating the date-palms. The Ansari man said to Az-Zubair, "Let the water pass' but Az-Zubair refused to do so. So, the case was brought before the Prophet who said to Az-Zubair, "O Zubair! Irrigate (your land) and then let the water pass to your neighbor". On that the Ansari got angry and said to the Prophet, "Is it because he (i.e. Zubair) is your aunt's son?" On that the color of the face of Allah's Apostle changed (because of anger) and he said, "O Zubair! Irrigate (your land) and then withhold the water till it reaches the walls between the pits round the trees". Zubair said, "By Allah, I think that the following verse was revealed on this occasion": "But no, by your Lord They can have No faith Until they make you judge In all disputes between them". (4.65)"".

Hadith 3:543 (sahih al-Bukhari) recognizes the concept of "right to water" for humans as well as water. This has been termed as "right of thirst" by Naser Faruqui (as quoted by Cullet & Gupta) that gives humans and animals the right to quench their thirst from any available water point. It may be noted the miraculous Zamzam well was discovered by the thirsty infant Ismail.

"Narrated Abu Huraira:

Allah's Apostle said, "Do not withhold the superfluous water, for that will prevent people from grazing their cattle"".

Hadith 4:538 (sahih al-Bukhari) also supports the concept of "right of thirst".

"Narrated Abu Huraira:

Allah's Apostle said, "A prostitute was forgiven by Allah, because, passing by a panting dog near a well and seeing that the dog was about to die of thirst, she took off her shoe, and tying it with her head-cover she drew out some water for it. So, Allah forgave her because of that"".

There are several hadith relating to the use of water including the need to conserve water.

Cullet & Gupta cover Islamic water law briefly (pages 4-5). They cite Thomas Naff to the effect that "water is a gift of God, that no individual or ruler can own water". While they do not provide a reference, these can be interpreted/inferred from several texts both in the Qur'an and various hadiths. They also quote Naff & Dellapenna "everyone should have access to water" that appears to be related to or derived from hadiths 3:543 and 4:538.

Islamic water law may be briefly summarized as below:

·         Water is not owned by any individual
·         Water is to be used for the benefit of the general public including both man & beast
·         Limited water rights subject to beneficial use
·         Water users should cause no harm to others




"यापो दिव्या उतावा स्रवंति खनित्रिमा उतावा या स्वयार्ण जा
समुद्रार्था या सूचय पावकास्ता आप देवी इह ममावान्तु"

(Yaapo divyaa utavaa sravanti khanitrimaa utavaa yaa swayarn jaa/samudraartha yaa soochayapaavakaasta aap devi iha mamavantu)


"The waters which are from heaven and which flow after being dug and even those that spring by themselves, the bright pure waters which lead to the sea, may those divine waters protect me here": Rig-Veda VII 49.2

August 03, 2013

Telangana river waters, irrigation & agriculture-2 (Scope & methodology)

Problem statement

I have always believed in defining the questions ("issues" as termed in the Indian judicial system) before trying to find the answers. This approach ensures focus on the relevant factors and improves the success rate of the study.

I framed the following questions as needing to be answered:

a.     Has Telangana received a fair share of river waters, especially in the Krishna basin?
b.    Has Telangana received adequate attention in respect of irrigation & agriculture?

It is possible (or even probable) that its "fair share" and/or "adequate attention" may be derived from an independent identity. Even if this is the case, this extreme legalistic stand should not deter an investigation. These questions would therefore be addressed as if Telangana (or Rayalaseema for that matter) is a formal entity for the purpose of this study.

The natural corollaries to these questions are:

·         From whom?
·         How does one define "fair share"?
·         How does one define "adequate attention"?

Fairness is an essential component of the social contract principle. Salus populi suprema lex est, the fundamental rule of governance, holds the welfare of people to be the highest law. The answer to the first question is therefore obvious i.e. the state in all its forms.

The second question is trickier to answer. I believe the definition of "fair share" can only emerge from the study.

The third question is comparatively easier. The state attention needs to be commensurate with the region's rights & needs. The major complication here is that "rights" are related to or derived from the "fair share" of river waters. Question b can be answered only after the answer to a is ascertained.

Merely answering the above questions is not enough. The following need to be considered based on the findings:

c.     What actions are possible or necessary to correct the real or imagined grievances?
d.    What are the reasons for the widespread mistrust on the apportioning of river waters (between Telangana-Andhra-Rayalaseema but in several other instances)?

These need not be exhaustive or complete. The idea is to generate thoughts that can be studied further rather than to provide a solution.

The actions proposed against question c can include state formation as a possible option. This may not be interpreted as providing any rationale for the proposed new state.

Subsidiary questions

Subject to time & patience, I would also look at the following questions:

e.     Questions a, b & c applied to Rayalaseema
f.     The position of particularly contentious matters (e.g. Almatti, Babhali & Polavaram)

These questions are useful to answer but not essential to the purpose of this study.

Out of scope

It is important to define what one is not trying to accomplish. This helps in setting expectations as well as preventing diverting of attention.

This is a study, not a prescriptive manual. The study is focused on the past and the present, not the future. Any recommendations I make (against # c) will be workable within the existing system.

This is not a treatise on any of the disciplines relevant to the study. While I acquired a working knowledge of these subjects adequate to present & debate my findings, I have not overnight become an expert on any of these aspects.

I do not claim to have studied all the material relevant to the subject. The sources I used are listed separately. Even in these cases, I have limited my study to the factors relevant to the defined purpose. I will gladly study any "verifiable" source that I may have missed or misunderstood if it is bought to my notice and revisit the relevant sections.

This is not a null hypothesis style experiment. I am not setting up the questions for a negative answer.

This work is not targeted at anyone. I started the exercise to educate myself and not to rebut anyone else's position or work.

This work is not about the formation of states. I start from the premise that one's opinion on the formation of Telangana (or Rayalaseema for that matter) does not depend on the findings.

This study is not about discrimination. There could be several reasons for a region receiving less or more than its "fair share" and/or "adequate attention". Even a systematic bias need not be deliberate. While I may examine the reasons offered for any imbalance, this is only to understand the associated issues.

This study is about results, not intentions or conscious effort or lack thereof. Intentions, plans & efforts do not guarantee results. I treat "tried our best", "we intend to", "will achieve in the future" etc. as being an admission of failure.

I am not trying to find out how well or how badly Telangana has progressed in agriculture. I limit my attention to the role of the state's attention.

Basic approach

The high level methodology is obvious:

·         Ascertain the "fair share" of river waters
·         Determine the "adequate attention" in irrigation & agriculture (based on the above)
·         Estimate the actual share & "attention"
·         Compare the results with the "entitlement"

The converse (and vastly easier) approach of estimating the results and justifying these against "entitlement" is tempting but highly error prone. Surprisingly enough many authors (including some "experts") take this route J

Methodology

After finalizing the basic approach, I turned to the methodology required. I spent several hours trying to understand the nature of the study and the factors essential to the answers. I was in for several surprises: for one, I learnt the subject is even more complex than I had originally believed!

I narrowed down on the following subjects that needed to be investigated:

·         Water rights & related concepts in various legal systems
·         Water sharing concepts ("fair share") & dispute resolution mechanisms, especially in the Indian context
·         Water conflicts & their resolution/impact
·         Hierarchy of water uses
·         Basin-geography contradictions
·         Factors affecting the volume of water available for sharing including scientific models if available
·         Factors affecting the consumption of water especially in irrigation uses
·         Irrigation sources with advantages & disadvantages
·         Available data & applicable data collection mechanisms relating to water use and agricultural (especially food grains) production in AP

As I started working on these, I realized I had missed identifying certain important subjects. These are briefly stated below:

·         Rainfall related data & drought patterns in AP
·         Statutory & other requirements for irrigation projects in India
·         Information on cropping patterns in AP
·         Rural economics in AP

These are broad headings. Much of the study was iterative by nature but, apart from the above, these required deeper investigation rather than adding new subjects.

Based on the above subjects, the study can be broadly divided into the following streams:

·         Qualitative parameters such as applicable laws, regulations, precedent, procedures & processes etc.
·         Quantitative data on various relevant parameters

These streams appear to be divergent at a first glance. This is misleading as the qualitative parameters can help define the mathematical models used to analyze the data.

I started analyzing the inputs after assimilating a critical mass adequate for an initial understanding. As expected, some of the analysis resulted in further studies.

I started drafting this report only after I was reasonably certain the findings would not need any significant change.

Primary "protagonist" sources

An analysis of this nature needs to start somewhere. A good starting point for a study of this nature is material from those who have answered questions a and b in the positive. Fortunately there are enough qualifying sources. Studying this material first was very useful in framing the methodology.

Lagadapati Rajagopal, an Andhra businessman-cum-politician, often claims that he has all the material to convincingly disprove Telangana activist claims. This presumably includes claims relating to river waters, irrigation & agriculture. However I could not find Rajagopal's material anywhere. This is also true of many other similar individuals.

Loksatta party (LSP) is an unrecognized political party founded and led by ex-bureaucrat Dr. Nagabhairava Jaya Prakash Narayan. The party enjoys high visibility thanks to the stature of the founder and a good degree of admiration (though not vote share) in Andhra urban educated classes. LSP has made available its submittal to the Sri Krishna Committee (formally called "Committee for consultations on the situation in Andhra Pradesh", abbreviated as SKC here). In addition, the party's views are available through interviews & chats with its founder as well as party press releases. Most of the material can be traced back to the party's web site.

While LSP's stand on Telangana is nuanced, their answer to questions a & b is "Yes". The party's material can therefore be considered that of a "protagonist" for the purpose of this study.

Nalamotu Chakravarthy, an American whose family is said to hail from Nalgonda district, enjoys a strong following among Internet savvy anti-Telangana individuals. Though Chakravarthy's "book" titled "My Telugu roots (Telangana state demand- a Bhasmasura wish)" is in most parts outside the public domain, he has made available three (out of twenty) chapters on his web site. Chapter 19 (titled "Telangana state demand built on a platform of lies") includes material relating to river waters, irrigation & agriculture. Chakravarthy specifically targets the late Prof. K. Jayashankar's paper titled "Telangana movement: the demand for a separate state (a historical perspective)". He also provides a bibliography and several tables & figures supporting his claims.

In addition, Chakravarthy has also made available his submittal to the SKC. While the submittal is actually in the name of a group of North Americans styled as "Andhra Pradesh Non-Resident Indians", Chakravarthy is credited with the preparation of the submittal with the support of others. While Chakravarthy's current association with the group is not known, I treated the submittal as Chakravarthy's own on the strength of his being credited with the preparation. It is also interesting to note the submittal is not available on the group's own web site.

More recently, an advocacy group styled as Visalandhra Mahasabha (VMS) has published another "book" titled "Refuting an agitation (101 lies & dubious arguments of Telangana separatists)". As Chakravarthy is the president of this group, this "book" is also considered as Chakravarthy's own for the purpose of this study.

Based on a quick glance of this material, it is clear the "book" titled "My Telugu roots (Telangana state demand- a Bhasmasura wish)" is Chakravarthy's primary material while the supporting material on his web site and the two collaborative works are secondary or supplementary in nature.

I must mention both LSP & Chakravarthy touch upon a wide range of subjects that are outside the scope of this study. I considered only that part of the material that directly or indirectly relates to my problem statements.

At a first glance, Chakravarthy's treatment of the qualitative aspects is superior to that of LSP. He lists his sources and adopts a more granular approach. On quantitative aspects, however, LSP provides much more data presented quite well. This may be because of stronger organizational mobilization and/or familiarity with data management methods. Chakravarthy due to his own reasons needed to provide two sets of data configured slightly differently: this dents what is otherwise a remarkable effort.

I therefore treated Chakravarthy as the main "protagonist" on qualitative aspects while according this "status" to LSP on quantitative matters. This does not mean I ignored the other party's material.

Even at a first glance, there are shortcomings in the material offered by the two "protagonists". I will go into these later along with any other not so apparent aspects that may be uncovered. For now, it is sufficient to acknowledge these sources provide enough material to help in the fact finding exercise.

It is possible (or even probable) that both these "protagonists" (as well as others who have not published their claims) used material from the same original source. This should not be used to jump to the conclusion of collaboration or otherwise discredit/criticize either or both. Perhaps there is only one original source for each subject of interest? The fact that the three (counting Chakravarthy's two sets separately) datasets are not identical does provide a basis for cross-verification.

I would like to make it clear that designating an individual or group as "protagonist" is for the limited purposes of creating a baseline and helping me freeze my methodology. I acknowledge their stand on any subject including Telangana is quite likely to be based on their interpretation of facts rather than the other way round. Their material deserves to be taken at face value without being dismissed either on grounds of bias or because some of their other claims have been shown to be wrong. Imputing motives to anyone is not only unfair but also counter productive.

This work is not about the claims of these "protagonists". I did submit their claims to fact checking but this was only to find the answers to the questions I have set for myself. The fact checking exercise constitutes a small (and definitely not the most important) part of this work.

I also acknowledge the fact that anyone including the best "experts" may be subject to limitations including inherent bias (e.g. due to political ideology). This again should not detract from appreciating the merit of their opinions, interpretations and theories. Their opinions should be treated on merit similar to those of the "protagonists" with only one difference- their expertise deserves to be acknowledged and treated with the appropriate weightage.

SKC report as a source

SKC report can not for obvious reasons be treated as that of a "protagonist". The next logical question is: can we treat this report as a final arbiter on these questions?

Due to various reasons that require more space than I can spare at the moment, I am unable to treat SKC as a neutral arbitrator. No section of the aggrieved parties have accepted their report wholeheartedly. While anti-Telangana groups have generally welcomed the report, this enthusiasm does not translate into total (or even near total) acceptance.

More importantly for this study, however, the questions as framed by me are not directly addressed by SKC. Their approach & style are not compatible with my framework. This is apart from the fact that none of the committee members have, by the committee's own admission, any expertise in the various dimensions relating to the subject matter.

It is by no means certain if these questions are even a part of their mandate. If these questions were indeed a part of the SKC terms of reference, would it not have been better to include one member with relevant expertise?

SKC appointed Anil Mohile, former Chairman of the Central Water Commission (CWC) to study “issues relating to Water Resources and Irrigation in Andhra Pradesh”. SKC has chosen not to publish either the expert report or any details relating to the assignment such as the terms of reference, selection criterion, remuneration & benefits, working methodology etc. SKC report does not include a summary of the Mohile report. There is very little information on crucial matters like how the expert worked, the documents were referred by him, experts he consulted etc. The report refers to the expert at times and does not do so at others. It is difficult to gauge at the impact of the expert's report on SKC's findings.

SKC's methodology differed quite a bit from proceedings before traditional arbitration mechanisms (e.g. a tribunal). For instance, no issues were framed or witnesses examined. None of the "respondents" were provided access to material or testimony submitted by the other parties. Almost the entire material received by the committee is off limits. There may be valid reasons behind some of the above but these alone can not bestow the "status" of arbiter on SKC.

Should we treat the SKC report as an expert opinion? The answer is clearly "No" based on the reasons/shortfalls outlined above.

I would have treated the Mohile report as an expert opinion had it been published in full. I considered filing a right-to-information (RTI) request asking for the unpublished (secret?)expert report but did not do so due to the "verifiability" guideline I set for myself.

In view of the above I treated SKC report as an additional input without any special consideration or suspicion.





"Facts are stubborn things, but statistics are pliable": Mark Twain

July 30, 2013

Telangana river waters, irrigation & agriculture-1 (Introduction)

Background

The simmering dispute over the formation (or reinstatement) of the Telangana state appears to be slowly coming to a logical conclusion. Given recent history this will not be a smooth process. It would be highly surprising if there are no "surprises" (or "betrayals") such as flip-flops, U-turns etc. in the days and weeks to come. Strong resistance is certain and the will power to counter this less so. Nevertheless it does appear the scales tilt towards convergence as opposed to further procrastination.

Several impediments have fallen by the way or are on the verge of falling. The alleged importance of linguistic states, brotherly love, Telugu unity, Potti Sriramulu's "sacrifice" etc. are heard less. While the tactics may have shifted to scare mongering (e.g. those who partner with former Stalinist "revolutionaries" warning of an "impending spurt in Maoism"), there may not be many buyers. While some die-hard "integrationists" are still clinging to some of these ideas/claims beyond the expiry date, these do not dominate the debate any longer.

I see this as a positive sign. We are coming to grip with issues that affect us directly without obfuscating the matter with immaterial platitudes. While this takes some sheen off the "high moral ground" arguments that ruled the roost for long, it does bring us closer to a workable solution.

Current issues

As may be expected, political parties appear to be driven by ramifications (e.g. how many seats will we win? Can we "save" the party in all regions? Who should get the credit? Will there be a backlash?) These do not deserve to be considered seriously by anyone other than the politicians impacted by the decision.

There are several individuals, including some well intentioned people, who claim they have disproved the rationale behind the Telangana demand. Armed with tons of data, slanted language, interesting interpretations and an aggressive posture, they preach to the converted and lobby the "powers to be". As they do not appear to realize the importance of reaching the primary stakeholders (i.e. the people of Telangana), much of this cacophony is at best of nuisance value. This lobbying may have helped in delaying the decision to some extent but is unlikely to work indefinitely. Therefore it does not make sense to take these seriously beyond a point.

In my understanding, the major issues relating to Telangana formation are:

·         Questions about Hyderabad, especially the claims of Andhras on "their capital"
·         Matters relating to the sharing of river waters (especially Krishna) and related subjects
·         Division of assets & liabilities
·         Apportioning state Government jobs & employees

The last two are technical in nature that can be sorted out through administrative channels subject to base rules that can be mutually agreed upon. The negotiation process can be bitter and prolonged but this will pass with time.

The issue relating to Hyderabad has been blown up by propaganda. The inadequacy of these claims can be demonstrated to anyone willing to listen (though many are not so disposed). There are two related matters. The security concerns of Andhras living in Telangana can (and should) be addressed by reiterating the rule of law. All Indians including Andhras have a legitimate right to live in Hyderabad (and elsewhere in Telangana) with dignity and protection. The legitimate need of building a new capital (or two) is between the Andhras and the central Government. This issue too is a "solvable" one.

The much more difficult question of river waters is closely linked to that of irrigation and agriculture. The matter is impacted to a good extent by the ongoing "development debate".

So far, I have generally stayed away from matters relating to river waters, irrigation & agriculture due to the following reasons:

·         Complexity of the subject cutting across several disciplines
·         My relatively poor knowledge on the subject
·         The fact that my view on Telangana is independent of this subject (and many others prominently heard in the often hot debates)

However this is the only major issue that will survive Telangana formation. This being the case, I started wondering if I should understand the subject better. While my position on Telangana would not change based on the findings, it became apparent that I could learn a good deal while working on the subject.

Fundamental premise

This study is based on a zero based approach. All positions are presumed to be fair and an accurate interpretation of the author's knowledge and analysis. At the same, every stand is deemed to be susceptible of factual & conceptual errors that may lurk inside. As for me, I do not start from any position. No contention is treated as a given unless it stands up to investigation.

Format of the study

I considered if the study could be delivered solely in a blog post format. This appeared ambitious in view of the likely voluminous text. I therefore decided to proceed on a conventional basis (i.e. similar to a research paper) and split it in a series of blog posts. This will no doubt reduce the readability of the posts but is preferable to compromising with the quality of the study. Irrespective of what I do, there will either be too many blog posts and/or too long posts.

The converse is also true. There will be too many short chapters compared to conventional studies. I nevertheless decided to stick to the "one chapter per each blog post" approach.

I toyed briefly with the idea of using executive summaries for the blog posts. This is against my own guidelines and may prove counter productive in a contentious subject such as this.

I tried making the study somewhat "blog friendly" (e.g. adopting a conversational tone) especially in a few /explanatory chapters. It is quite possible that this may not enhance the posts in any way while sounding jarring to those who read the entire work at one go.

Guidelines

I set myself the following guidelines for the study:

·         Humility: realize the complexity of the subject; avoid a single-dimensional approach; state upfront the weaknesses/limitations of the study where known
·         Methodology driven: define a methodology, follow it to the extent possible, and refine the methodology if required. Do not try to learn swimming after jumping!
·         Appropriateness: use models that are relevant & appropriate for the study
·         Objectivity: no bias, "slanting", insinuations or selective presentations
·         Balance: present all relevant facts & arguments to the extent possible
·         Good faith: do not impute motives; treat all sources/experts on merit irrespective of their stand or bias (real or imagined)
·         Temperate language: no posturing, accusations or jumping to conclusions
·         Transparency: quote sources "on the spot" if necessary with appropriate details (e.g. page/clause #) instead of burying under footnotes or citations; state all assumptions clearly; avoid extrapolations unless imperative
·         Verifiability: use only textual public domain material (e.g. PDF downloads) freely accessible to anyone. In other words, no YouTube videos, no Google books, paperbacks, personal anecdotes or subscription material. I also decided to stick to English language material (or material already translated to English) to the extent possible to minimize translation losses.
·         Retrievable: if it can not be retrieved, it can not be verified! Avoid dynamic sources like blog posts (unless the blogger is a recognized expert) or news paper/TV stories
·         High quality sourcing: try to find the best expert/source possible (consistent with the verifiability guideline) for each of the study areas
·         Integrity: subject the theories & data to verification before using it; especially check for completeness & consistency; acknowledge limitations "on the spot"
·         Consistency: use data & material consistent with each other to the extent possible; declare inconsistencies "on the spot"
·         Proper attribution: if a source refers to some other work, try to provide the full chain & attribute the "correct" source; study further where possible (but don't go overboard trying to find & validate that source unless it is important to do so)
·         Benefit of doubt against Telangana interests and/or claims where necessary
·         Respect for intellectual property: no violation of copyright; stick to "fair use" discipline

There is an exception to the attribution guideline. Most scholars cite other authors: this is sometimes to authenticate/reinforce the position. There are also cases where an author refers to his own previous work. Similarly there are cases where a recognized expert refers to a "lesser" scholar's work. I assumed renowned scholars (e.g. Joseph Dellapenna or Ramaswamy Iyer) would not cite someone else's assertion without considering the matter themselves in depth. I therefore attribute such positions to the "present" author without giving further details (i.e. the author whom he cites or his own earlier work).

Some of the guidelines are not rigid. If a Telugu source that establishes an important point more effectively than available English sources, it would be quite OK to use this. Similarly there is little point in applying rigorous verification to a source or material that does not impact the study much.

To avoid any semblance of bias, I decided against using pro-Telangana sources with the following exceptions:

·         When a source refers to any pro-Telangana work or scholar directly or indirectly, I look up that reference to the limited extent of the reference
·         Where the work of a pro-Telangana source does not impact the findings directly, I may refer to this duly acknowledging the possible conflict of interest

A similar restriction on all other activist sources (e.g. those opposing Telangana) would obviously be counter productive. I did not try to discount these sources on the grounds of perceived bias. I therefore used such sources validating them on lines similar to "neutral" sources.

I debated with myself if I should approach anyone for a review. While a review would certainly have been extremely helpful, it was difficult for me to find someone with expertise in all the subjects as well as the time & patience of going through the entire material.

Some friends did offer to help/review. However, I was cagey as I did not want to be "guided" under the guise of "vetting". I did not want to end up writing someone else's interpretations as mine!

I therefore decided to go ahead without any review, vetting or guidance. The entire study is mine (without claiming copyright on any one's work). This is the biggest weakness of this study.

Credentials

I asked myself several hard questions if I have the credentials for a study of this nature. As confessed the subject is vast and I have limited knowledge on the various dimensions. I have no formal education in subjects like law, hydrology, agriculture, meteorology, irrigation or statistics. I have no published works against my name.

I decided to go forward with the study based on what I perceive to be my strengths & credentials:

·         Strong analytical strengths, thanks to my quality assurance related training & experience
·         Attention for detail & patience
·         Sound grip of legal principles
·         Good general engineering skills
·         Years of experience collating, validating & applying data as well as designing/managing data models
·         Strong commitment to the principle of "factual approach to decision making"
·         Years of experience in drafting & reviewing policies, procedures, reports, contracts etc.

I realize I am not backing up the above "strengths". I urge the readers to treat the above as mere claims and judge the work on its own merit.

Having decided against accepting outside help, I was left to my own limited resources. I needed to wade through hundreds of pages of papers, books, reports, case law, data & analysis on my own. The lack of organizational support will almost certainly show up in the subsequent pages.

Notes on authoring standards

·         Due to US English proofing, some of the quoted text may differ from the original source
·         A similar caution about formatting & paragraph structures. For instance, much of the original material consists of PDF files generated by optical character recognition tools. The "paragraphs" quoted by me could be spread across several "lines" in the original document
·         All emphasis is mine, unless specifically stated otherwise
·         Page numbers cited are document pages, not the one quoted by the original work

I did not use the convention of italicizing foreign words. This is to avoid "italics clutter" caused by the legal terms & Indian phrases peculiar to the subject disciplines.

The work is likely to be "rich in quotes" from diverse sources. Other than proofing, formatting & paragraphs, I did not impose my style on the quoted text to retain the original flavor.

The unit systems presented a major challenge. If I stay metric as per my preference, many readers could be confused. I would also need to translate the units used by the sources to metric equivalent. I therefore had no option but to use a hybrid unit system reflecting popular usage.

I also had to adopt the archaic number systems in vogue. For instance, I have no option but to accept the oddly named "thousand million cubic feet (TMC)" ignoring the reality that a thousand millions equal a billion. The same goes for the popular metric unit "billion cubic meters (BCM)" that should have been correctly called "cubic km".

For similar reasons, I use the terms "lakh" (or "lac") and "crore". This will look jarring on occasion but I have little choice in the matter.

Another major challenge I faced is the contradiction between the accounting year (April-March) used in financial reporting and the "water year" (June-May) used for water accounting. As there was no way I could redistribute the financial numbers (e.g. budget) to the water year, I ignored this distinction.

Please note the end-of-chapter quotes are for the sole purpose of making the work "blog friendly". I tried to use quotes close to the subject of the chapter but did not verify the sourcing beyond a point. It is best to avoid reading too much meaning in these.

Definition of regions

For the purpose of this study, the term Andhra refers to nine coastal districts (Srikakulam in the north through Nellore in the south) of Andhra Pradesh (AP). The term Rayalaseema (or Seema) refers to the districts of Chittoor, Cuddapah, Anantapur & Kurnool. The term Telangana refers to the other ten districts. The names and boundaries relate to the year 2001.

There is a problem with this definition. Telangana, Andhra & Rayalaseema do not exist as distinct entities today. It can be argued that something that does not exist can not be used as the basis for determining equity. This is an extremely legalistic and over simplified argument that I decided to ignore.

Another problem with the above definition is that not everyone accepts the 2001 boundaries. For instance, some people argue Bhadrachalam should be treated as a part of Andhra in line with the 1956 borders. There are others who argue for "greater Rayalaseema" or Kalinga. While I acknowledge these aspirations do exist to some extent, I am unable to implement them in my work. This is primarily because all the data available is aggregated at a district level.

The questions I seek answers to can be extended somewhat to Rayalaseema without much additional data collection/analysis effort. This is the primary reason for treating Rayalaseema as a distinct region.





"If you do not know how to ask the right question, you discover nothing": W. Edwards Deming